Carthago Nova. Archeology and epigraphy in the city walls.

Sebastian F. Ramallo Asensio (Universidad de Murcia)

Militum deinde quod eos non conlaudavit virtutem eruptio hostium, non altitudo moenium, Stagni inexplorata non vada, non castellum in high Tumulo situm, non munitissima arx deterruisset quo minus transcenderent omnia perrumperentque.

(T. Livy, XXVI, 48, 4)

This text of the History of Rome Livy clearly expresses components of the defensive apparatus of the city founded by Hasdrubal: the height of its walls, the shallow lagoon unexplored, the fortress located on high hill and the well-defended fortress components, all of which, coupled with the excellent conditions of its harbor and its strategic position in the communication routes to Africa and Italy through the Balearic Islands (Appian, 19), made of Carthago Nova, one of the most hotly-contested antiquity as the Roman historian himself (XXVI, 43) emphasizes to transcribe the speech of Scipio to his soldiers in which he stresses the importance that the conquest of the city in his proposed expulsion of the solar barques Hispanic:. .. oppugnabitis enim unius urbis moenia uere, sed in a city uniuersam ceperitis Hispaniam.

The character of Cartagena fortified place in antiquity has been fossilized in the archaeological map of the three taped statements are different from those of a different nature, correspond to the time of the barque, and city and second centuries BC, the oldest, the major refurbishment of the town in the last third century BC, the second, since the recapture of the town in time of Justinian, the third, and knowledge can be carried out by different sources: archaeological and literary to the first case and epigraphic chronology for the two most advanced. Indeed, the Roman cities of Hispania, Carthago Nova is probably the one with the greater number of written references and section on its walls. This extensive documentation that affects not only the stages of conquest and monumental renewal Augustan age, but may extend the period of Byzantine domination, with the inscription of Comitiolus, unique and extraordinary testimony to the imperial presence in the Peninsula Iberian, translates the character of a stronghold that has been on the basis of the successive phases of the splendor of the city throughout its long history. But along with the artificial works of fortification is also natural to add the constraints that constitute the primary defensive barrier of the city.

The most distinctive profile of this unique topography is the lagoon or estuary - ?????, according to Polybius - which covers an area north twice the size of the city (Fig. 1). Its limits can be fixed with certainty thanks to the discovery of the necropolis that lined the access roads to the city. On the western edge can be set in a broad sense, in a line running parallel to the current Alameda de San Antón indicated by the remains of cremation decubiertos in the Plaza of Spain (San Martín, 1985, 133), burials, the later identified at the beginning of the century to build the Factory of Light and the necropolis of San Anton, with deposition characteristics of the V and VI (San Martin and Palol, 1972).On the opposite side, the necropolis of the Via Torre Ciega, which is flanked almarjal lined the boundary, while the north a series of low-lying hills where they have found remnants of time tardorrepublicana (Ramallo, 1989, 22 -- 23) imposed the limit to the water. Although not yet completed a detailed study of the inlet profile and its depth, this, without being constant throughout its length, must have been considerable in some places, even to reach a specific point in nearly 3 m. deep, and only this explains the existence, since pre-Roman period a remarkable fishing, archaeologically confirmed by the finding in the Punic levels of street Serreta precisely one of the points nearest to the southern edge of the estuary, fishing gear (Martin and Roland, 1995, 89), endorsing the statement of Livy when he points to some fishermen in these waters that were in Tarragona as the main source of information of Scipio to plan the assault on the walls of the city through the shallows of the lagoon.

Mediterranean waters of Estero and wrapped a strip of land where they built the walled city. This peninsula of land has a maximum length in the east-west axis of 892.857 m and a north-south width of 642.857 m. that is reduced to the 321.428 m. in the sector corresponding to the isthmus that connected with the mainland, where they were the most important doors of the city with a surface, including the five hills that dot the sun, about 431.074 m ^2, this is more than forty-three hectares, very close to the 47 acres that were supposed to Corduba or 40 hectares of Tarraco, based on tardorrepublicana time, but far below the 70 hectares which have been calculated for Emerita Augusta. According to the known passage of Polybius, who claims to have personally and carefully examined the perimeter of the average city no more than 20 stages (= c. 3,700 m) but then adds: I know that there are those who have spoken of 40 and today is even lower (X, 11). A possible wall encompassing all features of the land and shut down the city from all sides, including the edge of the sea / beach tour would have a maximum of 2569 m. In addition to its favorable situation contributed to its prosperity the existence of silver mines, fertile territory, a unique natural harbor, and its quick and easy communication with North Africa (Appian, 19). All these factors underlie the rapid conquest of the city by Scipio and the interest in making the city barque in a critical foothold for the control and defense of the peninsula noon (Livy, 26, 43). After the conquest, the African "placed a garrison and ordered to get up the wall until it reached the height the tide" (Appian, 24).

An abundant literature has been devoted since the early twentieth century to recreate from the vicissitudes written documentation relating to the assault of the city, the mystery of the tides, "with interpretations of phenomena described by sources related to natural processes characteristic of alfufera regions similar to Cartagena (Lillo and Lillo, 1987) -, war strategy, location of the attackers and defenders and other multiple comments on the process of conquest. On all these subjects is abundant literature, although there is still no thorough study combining archaeological, increasingly complete with character studies of geomorphological, geological and historical cartography (More, 1979; Ramallo et al, 1992). Apart from comments on this issue included in the scholarly works of the eighteenth century, the first serious approach to the topography of the city of Hasdrubal are in the annotated editions of the Histories of Polybius made in the late nineteenth and early XX.The famous historian megalopolitan description has been the basic support in any attempt to approximate the topography of the city during the ancient era. The proposals have had the most impact were those in the critical editions of the written text due to megalopolitan Strachan Davidson (1988) and more recently, Walbank, FW, (1957-1979), especially in "Scipio's Character and the capture of New Carthage, "highlighting them and recreating all the unique topographical location of the city, one of the key factors that were at the base of the foundation landings. From all this information can be extracted literary general characteristics of the walls fortified at the time of the conquest inhabited fenced perimeter. All authors insist his account of the episode of the conquest of height of the walls (Liv. 26, 46 and Polybius, X, 10, 13: ?? ??? ?????? ??????s) the strength and the large size of the walls, except in the northern flank, where the attack took place final, where to be sheltered by the lake was lower and unprotected (Polybius, (X, 14 and Appian, 21), even Livy notes the absence of fortification by this sector of the city, a lack that soon made ready to repair Scipio, once conquered the city when "ordered to get up the wall until it reached the height the tide" (Appian, Iber. 24 ). From the constructive characteristics of fortification texts provide little information other than the existence of a round passing over the ridge top of the wall (Polybius, X, 15, 1: ?? ?? ??????? ... ???????????? ???? ??? ???????? ), and battlements (???????s) at the top of the wall, the latter have been identified in the walls of Mozia (Acquaro, 1974, 182) and Tharros (Pesce, 1966, 165) in the form of rectangular slabs with arched top and surfaces covered with white plaster. By contrast, less clear is the possible existence of towers (??????) mentioned explicitly only by Appian (Iber. 22) and before the pit wall, remembered only by Appian (Iber. 20) as a work of Scipio with the aim of isolating the city from the mainland (?????????????). However, this element is common in other defensive defensive Punic complexes, such as Lilibeo, where according to Diodorus Siculus (XXIV, 1, 1) had a width of 26'40 m. and a depth of 17'60 m., and Selinunte, which closed the corridor of land located between the two hills flanking the door, but are most common on lowland sites, although its use is limited in many cases at strategic points (Treziny, 1986, 193). However, in Cartagena, continuous output and fast withdrawal of troops from Mago and Scipio serve to dispel the moat.

Inside the city walls once transferred, the two larger hills (known today as winch, located to the north, and Cerro de la Concepcion in the south) had to form two very important defensive strongholds, such as reflected in the texts of Livy (26, 48, 4), who unlike the castellum arx) and Polybius that individualizes the acropolis hill east of the (X, 12: ????s

/ ???????s ?????) as well as of Appian (22), who specified as following the assault of the walls by Scipio, Mago retired with a handful of his men into the citadel (?????), clearly differentiated from the public square (?????? ) which at first drew back the Carthaginian general. The individualization of Mons aesculapii(Cerro de la Concepcion) within the urban space as a second inner strength was preserved even in times of August as is clear from an inscription (Abascal-Ramallo, No 33) found in 1926 in the urban development work of the Castillo de la Concepción dedicated to the Genius castelli in the Augustan age. The recent identification of tanks under the Torre del Homenaje del Castillo Renaissance de la Concepcion, covered the typical smooth signinum opus characteristic of Roman hydraulic works, may be the testimony of an earlier tradition of endorsing that character fort (castellum) remembered by ancient writers. However, we can not determine whether there was any single defensive system in these two hills, where the remains of the army retreated once contestability Carthaginian walls of the city by Scipio.

As to the gates of the city, both Polybius and Livy insist on the existence of a door "that led to the strip of land" over which Scipio would have had their camp (Polybius, X, 12, Livy, 26, 46) . Its location should be the same until the early twentieth century occupied the known port of San Jose arranged in a position equidistant between the hill of the same name and those of Despeñaperros, located west demolished to reduce the elevation of the surrounding terrain during the urban expansion process initiated early last century. Consequently, nothing has been able to reconstruct this important sector, which fortified the isthmus, and the access system must be assumed that, if confronted with what we know in contemporary fortifications Central and Eastern Mediterranean also find itself flanked by two towers or bastions runs, although in the case of Cartagena that it remains a mere suggestion, however justified the assertion of Livy, when he says that the Roman soldiers who attempted to storm the wall were more vulnerable by their sides than the front.

Along with this access, without a doubt the most important of the city, Livio also notes the existence of a porta ad mare stagnum et versa, during the attempted reconquest of the city by Mago (Liv. 28, 37): (.. .) ready and armed (the Romans) were behind the door leading to the lagoon and the sea. The existence of at least two main gates placed at opposite points is common in other cities like Mozia Punic where the south gate is close to kothon, while located at the opposite end was more monumental in access.

Material evidence

Despite the great beauty and defensive ground, we have been analyzed as sources insist on the existence of strong fortifications, which increased the infallibility of the city, reinforcing the character of secure base of operations "where guarding the hostages of all famous kings and peoples of Iberia, storing all the money and grain, machinery, weapons and the full panoply of war "with an" excellent port from which land and sea provide the things required by the necessities of war "arguments that have been at the basis of its founding by Hasdrubal and Scipio's interest to seize the city.

Until very recently, there was no material evidence of these walls so highly praised in the written sources. However, in the late eighties, at the start of the work to build an underground car park, near the Milagrosa Home-School (Cerro de San Jose), was uncovered, a stretch of wall, oriented north South, closed the narrow strip of land between the hills of San José (Mons fins) and Despeñaperros (Mons Hephaistos), along the only viable access into the city from the mainland. The analysis of the archaeological record associated with the walls allowed to relate assaulted by Scipio at the end of the third century BC

Description wall

This first wall, which is preserved a stretch of 15 m. the internal canvas of nearly 30 m. exterior, with an elevation in some places up to 3,20 m., is built with a double padded lining parallel blocks of sandstone, squared and well placed so isodómica of 1.30 / 1.20 m. length, 0.60 m. high and 0.70 / 0.80 m wide, perched directly on the rock of the land previously cropped as foundation box, both walls are joined together by straps of ashlar, the mode of opus africanum, which determine internal compartments square floor plan of approximately 3.5 x 3 / 2, 5 m. wide with access from inside the city intended, probably to accommodate the guard, or to store weapons and defense-related instruments. It has documented a total of nine compartments, four of them very devastated, grouped in threes with parking on the open central compartment through the internal canvas wall (Fig. 2). Since this is accessed through the side rooms outside a yard wide. The elevation, at least in the internal wall surface which are still preserved in situ several rows, must be made of large bricks. Both the outer surface and probably the interior were covered with white lime plaster, which protects the stone from weathering, conceal the inequalities of the stones and gave him a more homogeneous. Traces of this repeal is still seen on the surface of some blocks. A similar termination also be divined in the walls of Kerkouane (Fanta, 1986, 248) and had to be frequent in other constructions Punic Sicily and Sardinia (Rakob, 1986, 25, De Socio, 1983. 101-102).

Apart from the typological criteria and constructive, I will discuss later, the dating of the excavated structures has been conducted mainly by coins and ceramics criteria. Monetary findings have been studied in detail by M. Lettuce (1993) and come from two distinct sectors: the first set corresponds, according to this author, the related defensive structures and comprises a total of 87 coins, of which 38 have been illegible, while the second sector Located inland, came a total of 37 currencies, with absolute predominance of Roman Republican series. In the first set, the largest group is constituted by the series Hispano-Carthaginian, a total of 21 specimens, which correspond almost entirely to the type VIII Villaronga in its different variants. In the series Persefone Head of Tanit / horse head fall two copies of variant VIII-I-II, three of VIII-I-IIB and two of type VIII-II-I, the divisor with Head of Tanit "Persephone / helmet, are larger six copies of the variant VIII-I-IIIB and seven of type VIII-II-II. Within the Hispanic-Carthaginian series has also included a possible divisor of class XI, but with doubts. Behind this group lies in percentage of Roman Republican series represents a total of 12 copies. The remaining emissions, as a token gesture represented nearly correspond to Numidia and Carthage, each represented by one copy, and Latino-Punic series (3 exs.), Hispanic-Latino (2 exs.) Iberian (1ej.) and Roman-imperial, completing all 7 coins of contemporary modern era. Unfortunately not been possible to relate the different findings clearly money with the seriation stratigraphic documented during the excavation process, from which it has established four distinct phases (Marin, 1997-98, 136).

The first, still poorly defined, is characterized by a series of stone and adobe structures partly cut in the natural terrain, which are amortized by the Punic Wall, in the last third century BC, and consequently, its dating is that place it before the barque work, without, for now, it could offer a better accuracy from the published data. However, interestingly, the appearance between the levels of filler materials characteristic of the second half of the fourth century and the first half of BC, and also a fragment of a glass of red-figure Attic pottery, Circle probably the Marlay Painter, dated late V century BC (Martin, 1994, 314), which together with part of a type called Skyphos the owl (Owl Skyphoi) found in a street solar Soledad (Ramallo , 1989, 29), is one of the earliest examples of occupation of the site of Cartagena. Other physical evidence attested in at Cerro del Pinwheel or lower levels of the Hospital Square, beside the amphitheater, confirms the existence of an Iberian habitat prior to the founding of Asdrubal, probably distributed in the heights overlooking the peninsula, if While to date there is no available stratigraphic sequence that allows for continuity between two historical periods.

The next phase individualized by archaeologists who have led the work at La Milagrosa corresponds to the construction of the wall and use during the last quarter century BC, while the third, now in the hands of Rome, extending to mid - century BC, when opening a parenthesis in the sequence stratigraphy of the city, only interrupted in the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century when the remains of the wall is installed in the Convent Cemetery (Martin and Marin , 1993, 125). Interestingly as the numismatic findings also detect the hiatus between the second half of the second century BC to modern times (Lettuce, 1993, 158).

However, the absence of a final publication and list which includes a precise and synchronous stratigraphic levels, ceramics and architectural remains, the most comprehensive and profound historical seriation on the site has been carried out by Ruiz Valderas (2000) to From analysis of the black glaze pottery. This author defines five evolutionary phases of which 5 corresponds to the layers of filling and abandonment of the earlier structures to the wall, while Phase 4 is linked to the construction of the first. Of these two, the oldest, is characterized by the presence of some production characteristics of the third, fourth century BC, as are those of Teano Small Stamps, Gnatia, Taller de Rosas and Black Varnish Carthaginian, living in turn with older forms of the Campanian A (Lamb. 27b, 28, 31, 33a and 23) and to ceramics called pseudo-Campanians of Ibiza. In the next phase, which correspond to the period barque, increases the percentage of the Campanian A, joining the new repertoire and disappearing later forms the oldest, which coexist with Lisa Calena productions and pseudo-Campanians Ibiza (Ruiz Valderas, 2000).

Complete the picture ceramológico a high percentage of painted Iberian products (Marín, 1998), decorated with typical motifs of concentric semicircles, ribs, parallel wavy lines, etc. Characteristic of the third and second centuries BC and well represented elsewhere in City (Ros Hall, 1989). The repertoire consists of formalKalathos of different diameter, lip glasses again, jars and ointment, as well as between open shapes, plates and bowls that are the predominant forms. The presence of these materials at levels associated with the construction of pottery not only confirms the large contingent of Iberian population present in the city right now, which, moreover, endorses the written sources.

The need to adjust the route of the belt muraria the irregular topography of the land and seize the heights that surround the living space, in order to avoid leaving out of the fortified hills on which it could attack the city with ease, must carry implied careful planning the whole route, establishing a walled area greater than the urban space, characteristics of Punic foundations where generally, and for better utilization of the natural conditions of land, locked themselves inside the fortified perimeter of large areas in many Sometimes they were only partially occupied, Carthago itself is probably the most paradigmatic. In this sense, it seems clear that the curb Punic advantage of Carthago Nova accidents and closing the topography inside the entire peninsula, now well know if it was a standard defense, or whether, instead, as seems more likely and is derived from written texts, has various elevations, and ruggedness that ran sectors and natural conditions that protected them. In the section excavated alignment with the ground is done by grading of terraces distributed along the slope that should provide the stepped wall and look down from the crest of the hill to the doors in the middle of the isthmus (Marin, 1997-98, 126). It is also possible that in other sections, the walls follow the contour lines, which could cause a dissociation between the layout of the walls and the fabric of the city. However, regardless of the section studied, there is no other material testimony on the path followed by the walls of Carthage.

In terms of construction, the building system used, with double facing of stones bound together at regular intervals by cross walls, is well known in Greek military architecture from the late V century BC, while following along when increased visibility in both areas Greeks and Carthaginians. Generally inner compartments are filled with rubble stone and sand, which gives the work greater defensive solidity. For example, the impregnable walls of Lilibeo, remembered with admiration by Diodorus Siculus (XXIV, 1, 1), rise with a double cloth quadratum separate opus 5'80 m. each other and a filling of stone and clay (Coarelli and Torelli, 1992, 67); other Greek cities of southern com Paestum Italy, Reggio Calabria, Neapolis, Vibo Valentia show the sections of wall built with this system of two parallel walls of blocks attached to bone and locked in turn by other perpendicular towers generally associated with a rectangular or square and in some cases, protected also by ditches located a few meters in front of the stone walls, as we see, for example, the defensive systems of Taranto (Greco, 1980, 186).

However, unlike what happens in the examples cited in the wall of Cartagena inner compartments that determine the cross walls are not padded, but on the contrary, are used for purposes Mitar and defense, as evidenced the open doorways in the inner cloth and communication between them.Thus, the disadvantages that could cause the lack of internal padding, which means that robustness to work under the pressure and impact of potential war machines, should be offset by other benefits of such a constructive solution. In Kerkouane these depenci depencias, attached to the inner wall on the Wall of Africa are fully integrated into the building through the empowerment and joint space between two walls. In Carthage itself, the triple wall described by Appian (lybica, 95), integrated, somehow, inside the military-related units and defense, such as stables, storehouses for fodder and barley, etc. (Lancet, 1994, 373). The limited archaeological data can not verify the information literature (Lawrence, 1979, 299-301).

The contemporaneity of the external walls and internal walls can be clearly seen in the perfect assembly exists in the angles of attachment, having witnessed even in some corners as a single block of sandstone is part of the outer surface and simultaneously marks the start transverse wall.

You can suggest several factors to justify the choice of this type of fortification: functional, in order to obtain some protected areas where shelter to accommodate the garrison and weapons and food and other supplies. Economic and time saving, given the need to construct a circuit muraria in the shortest possible time, protect the inner urban core.

A similar structure has been documented in the castle wall of Blanche, dated in the late s. Iv / s. BC, built by a double cladding Separator for an internal space of 3.5 meters, hampered by perpendicular walls and square rooms deetrminan quadrangular towers, with a rate of eleven compartments between two towers. (Ruiz Mata, 1998, 202) and in the defensive system of the Tossal (the later Roman town of Lucentum), dated to the late third century BC, two of whose Tower has witnessed a partitioning of three rooms, designed probably to accommodate the garrison and military equipment (Olcina, 2002, 255). However, the wall Carteia that from the point of view presents a chronological constructive and more affinities. According to the latest interpretation of archaeological evidence, are for the second phase of the Punic city the remains of a monumental wall of nearly 7

m. wide, well documented in the section next to one of the entrances to the city, built by two blocks wide, padded walls of medium and small bone placed, linked together by stone walls perpendicular. As in Cartagena, here has been an intense use of adobe to the elevation of this imposing building whose erection has been related to the revitalization of the territory to the Barques (Bendala et alii, 2002, 164165). The mass use of this material in defensive structures has also witnessed the elevation of the wall of the Republican Tossal (Olcina, 2002, 259) and interior padding commotion between masonry walls in the wall of Tarragona lifted by mid-century BC (Aquilué et al, 1991). However, the combination of both building materials is common in Greco-Hellenistic fortifications of suritálica and Siceliotes areas, especially in regions where stone was less abundant (Adamesteanu, 1986, 108), being the most representative example for your state conservation, the walls of the fourth century BC, Gela, where on a plinth blocks of 3.5 m. rises high standard with the rest of adobes, including round roads and elevation (Coarelli and Torelli, 1992, 126).Also, the wall built during the reign of Camarina Timoleon shows a similar construction technique (Coarelli and Torelli, 1992, 207), which is repeated again at Eraclea Minoa (Coarelli and Torelli, 1992, 108). In Mozia, the wall rises with adobe on a stone base (Ciasca, 1986, 223). and on African soil, the finding of fallen bricks along the walls seem to suggest the elevation of this material for the two fences that are in defense complex in the Hellenistic period (Fanta, 1986, 242).

These walls have been framed within the type of fortification called the bunker that meets military architecture Greco-Hellenistic, widely represented in other centers Punic central Mediterranean, Sardinia, Sicily and Magna Graecia. This group included the walls of reused materials Selinunte reconstructed previous constructions under Carthaginian domination in the first half of the fourth century BC (Coarelli and Torrelli, 1992, 89). It is accepted and common form in age dating barque of the walls of Carmona and more specifically called Puerta de Sevilla (Jimenez, ----)

At a different building tradition meets a set of walls of northeastern peninsular where the influence of Greco-Hellenistic tradition that revolves around the Phocian Emporion is charged and where the persistence of local building traditions is more durable. The paradigmatic example of this "type of defense is provided by the rig" Cyclops "of Tarragona, long considered the pre-Roman times, and recently attributed to the early second century BC The wall socket upwards by a massive irregular blocks colossal size crowned by battlements and towers flanked by runs made with masonry, in one of these towers was found the famous monumental relief that keeps the lower half of the goddess Minerva in profile, dressed in long robe, resting on left leg and oblong shield and armed with spear. Inside the tower were discovered the remains of an inscription dedicated to this divinity by a character named M. Vibio (Alföldy, 1981). By the third, fourth century BC, there is a restoration and extension of the belt muraria edilicia using a new technique that consists of a basement of two rows of megalithic stones, over which stands a double facing of ashlar and internal padding regular tiers of bricks.

Similar construction principles are seen in the southern flank of the walls of the Neapolis of Ampurias rebuilt by mid-century BC, with materials from the wall of the fourth century BC Greek, previously devastated in this industry (Sanmartí; Castañer, and Tremoleda, 1988, 191-200). Its rectilinear layout is interrupted approximately toward the center where a door opens to 2'30 m. wide flanked by two monumental towers runs. This raised with large polygonal blocks arranged in rows which tend to the horizontal and which strengthens the external standard sense of infallibility.

Within this same wall building tradition of "socket Cyclopean" walls can be framed the foundation of Girona, up to late second century or early first century BC, on an imposing facing of large blocks of irregular polygonal shape and of different sizes placed in rows straight and wedges trend in union interticios; lacked towers along its route, a feature that, as we have seen repeated in other contemporary curbs (Nolla, 1987, 33). As part of that historical process must include the founding ofIesso (Guissona) and Baetulo (Badalona), where the curb muraria populations is one of the first building activity. The first village is built on a site, partially occupied by an Iberian settlement at least until the fourth century BC, the wall, invoice and metrology in the size of the stones fully Roman, consists of a double facing of squared blocks of irregular dimensions and interior padding irregular stones and earth, and has been dated by the material context associated with late or early second century BC (Guitart and Pera, 1994). For Iluro (Mataró), the walls are included within the first process "monumentalization" which begins in mid-century BC (Cerda García García Roselló and Marti, 1994, 98). As the siege of Baetulo muraria, a town founded around the late second century BC, attested in various parts of the city, it was found in its construction the existence of two different techniques that could correspond to two phases. A straight stretch of 1'50

m. endowed with a wide square tower has been built using a device with irregular stones careada outer surface, the lower larger and chips and wedges in the joints, another installment, instead of 1.25 m. wide, shows two semicircular towers and a trend rate of opus caementicium (Guitart, 1975, 51-58). In both cases, attention, the small width of the wall that contrasts with tardorrepublicanas defensive constructions, while that is better adapted to the design of the Augustan era walls less thick. Also surprised by the coexistence of squares and semicircular towers, this phenomenon which, although not surprising in the overview of the Roman fortifications, often in cases where documents are usually the result of additions and restorations to the original time construction. In this sense, in the particular case Baetulo could think of an initial compound founding era, the late second century BC, which correspond to sections with reduced number of towers and quadrangular flanking the door and a restoration back in the early Empire, following a process parallel to that observed for Cartagena.

By contrast, in southern Hispania, the fortified enclosures for those years show certain peculiarities, as a result, probably, of the impact on the territory of other traditions. The walls of Corduba Republican, dated to third, fourth century BC and identified at different points along its length, shows a similar width to Cartagena, six m. in total, and is built, like that of a double facing of stones - between 2 and 3 m. 0.60 m outside and inside - with an internal filling that could underpin a possible way round. Torres square and semicircular reinforcing a curb, at least in its northern part was preceded by a wide ditch (Carrillo et al, 1997, 45).

Throughout the first century BC introduces new building construction techniques and materials in the construction of the enclosures muraria. The best-known sample is provided by the call of Ampurias Roman wall, which is traditionally dated to the early first century BC, and stands on a base of large polygonal blocks on which they built up a second body with a filling of earth and stones between two outer facings of opus caementicium (Aquilué et alii, 2000, 80).

Apart from the external surfaces - are irregularly shaped polygonal blocks and large well-squared stones or with padded surface - is a constant in all republican era fortifications of the outer appearance of considerable strength and width - around 6 m .- Reaching, which stresses the defensive and deterrent value of such curbs against the post from the Augustan age, where the symbolic and ornamental component, visible especially in the doors, is added to the other two.

The Republican era Roman fortifications

After the Roman conquest at the hands of Scipio, it appears that throughout the Republican era, the old fort remained in use, once repaired the damage caused by the assault, although since mid-second century BC there is no record of archaeological strata clearly they can relate to facing. The archaeological record comprises only layers of neglect and filled with an abundance of ceramics Campanians A, B, Cali and other products of Eastern origin. However, several references to written sources of the republican period perish translate the existence of a well-defended village and almost impregnable, because in different periods Sertorius, Pompey and Caesar, find protection within its walls.

On the door of the isthmus, its route should run from the crest of Mount St. Joseph to where you drive the stretch so far dug into the hill of contouring winch the contour of the 20 m. Monte Sacro, through the depression between this hill and the windlass, to protect then a more regular route, the stretch of the beach and port city west sde, and then faced the wall of the southern slope Cerro de la Concepcion by the contour line of 25 m. before which the sharp cutoff of the mountain, in the words of Polybius ????????? ??s ????????, added a new natural factor to the defensive unit for the sector, then strengthen an area of gentle slope that, as a valley, must connect this hill (castellum) with the last of the five that shaped the topography of the city, Mount Despeñaperros, the latter represented the natural stronghold south who, together with the San Jose, on the other side, blocked the isthmus. The proposed route has been able to verify anything so far, despite the increase of archaeological work in recent years, in particular, on the Hill have been excavated Pinwheel upper platform and southern and western slopes, but the only remains defensive located correspond to the sixteenth century wall that outlines and defines the platform for its northern front cutting even artisanal character of structures in the ridge Republican era, so should be a more advanced layout and a lower bound for the fortification Roman.

More fruitful, in the aspect that concerns us here, have been the work performed in July and August 2002 on the Cerro de la Concepcion, particularly in the area between the perimeter of the ring cavea Roman theater and the abrupt cut delimiting to the north of this hill. At this point, and dismantled by the Augustan era buildings connected with the whole process of monumental redevelopment of the area, were discovered remains of foundations that powerful for its size and structure appear to correspond to the remains of the defensive system of the republican period. However, the small space carved us present this data with great caution pending a definitive study of the wreckage and dig a larger area on which to assess the remains with a broader perspective. I would not, however, fail to note the coincidence that seems to exist between discontinuation of registration materials in mid / late second century

BC in the Punic stratigraphy of the wall material and context with a chronology of the late second century BC is associated with the construction of possible fillings fortification Castillo de la Concepcion.

At the opposite end of the hill, the eastern slope, partly occupied since the first century AD by the amphitheater, the various polls thus far in the so-called Plaza del Hospital were fruitless, although presumably at least the wall vintage imperial discourse should not far removed from the building because of the situation shows that these often present in urban cities of the renewed Augustan.

It is likely that over these two centuries the various restorations suffered defensive system but essentially unchanged in its original path. It is difficult to imagine a reduction in the perimeter wall that stopped outside one of the hills dela peninsula, though not impossible since, probably from the Late Roman period and perhaps developed space fortification that defended him, is restricted to the western half of the strip of land occupied by the Augustan city, leaving out the hills of San Jose, Despeñaperros and Holy, which, if for this period of late antiquity no longer a pretty likely scenario to the Islamic period is evidence, restricting the perimeter walls of the old Republican stronghold - Castellum - and losAustrias time, only the hills of the winch and Concepcion are included within the fortified enclosure, having to wait for the eighteenth, and specifically the project commissioned by Carlos III to Pedro Martin Zermeño military engineer to see the five heights again encompassed within the fortified area. Of these there is some evidence, however, archaeological excavations in the rest of the city next to epigraphy we are revealing every day, for a more rich and complex, which is guessed, each time more clearly, a first process of urban expansion and transformation over the past quarter century BC and early AD, in clear correspondence with the massive influx of immigrants attracted mainly by the intensive exploitation of the rich mines in the vicinity. Correspond to this moment, several architectural features such as capitals and bases of the Tuscan order, pictures of the First Style, and, above all, many signinum opus pavements, some of them decorated with inscription, which translates the adoption of software architectural typologies and ornamental clear result of italics. For all purposes, Cartagena became the last century of the Republic in the largest port in the far western Mediterranean, where it plays a role similar to that of Delos in the east, with heavy traffic and trade of goods and people. Just an inscription dated to the years commemorating the construction of a major public work, probably port facilities, of which the magistri of a collegium consisting of free and slave, were careful to make batteries III et basis (a) ex caemento, mention that seems to allude to the foundations of caementicium on which rested a possible port of Cartagena mollis. Such a cell are represented by name in glassware made in Puteoli between the late III and early IV AD, such as those found in Warsaw, and Populania Ampurias (Ostrow, 1979). The intense economic activity is also reflected in the wrecks located at the mouth of the harbor and off the coast of the city, where the boat Escombreras I whose cargo consists mainly of Greco-Italic amphorae and Campanian A date is mid-centuryBC, the oldest Roman a regular trade off Cartagena designed largely to get supplies for the many Roman troops stationed in Spain during the Wars Numantina. This same process of urban expansion in the city surestina starts with the adequacy of new port facilities, is also detected in other coastal towns of the country, as Ampurias, the other major Hispanic commercial emporium of the peninsula, where a dam is built opus caementicium coated in large blocks of stone in the last third of the century

BC More generally, the period commencing after the end of the Wars Numantina with taking Numancia in 133 BC is characterized by the consolidation of the urban phenomenon in the NE resulting in the establishment of numerous centers, defined by sources as oppida civium romanorum (Baetulo, Iluro, Blanda, Ilerda, etc) and having corresponding fortifications, while in other villages in the east and south peninsular transformation processes are detected urban expansion and aim to provide civic community basic equipment to function as fully adapted to urban life pattern Roman examples of Sagunto, Tarraco, Corduba or are very significant. Corresponding to this process, there is a gradual weakening of the Iberian nuclei, whose population is largely absorbed by the new urban centers, but this does not imply the complete disappearance of the Iberian habitats, that in regions like the Valley Ebro and even at points far from the main roads in the subsequent, continued its journey to full imperial times.

The problem arises when determining the legal status of many of these stocks and, in our case, the city of Carthago Nova during this period, a subject on which various hypotheses have been developed, although in many cases, without sufficient basis. The existence of professional bodies in the city, served Kornemann argument, (ER, vol. IV, 1, Col. 1173), to raise the existence of a civium conventus Romanorum, as has been proposed to Corduba (stylowe, 1996 , 80, with bibliography) which would bring together all this immigrant population, and that constiutuiría legal institution intermediate between the citizen and community collegia fully established.

Probably as a collegium magistri must recognize the characters cuartro L (ucius) Baebius M (ARCI) f (Ilius) L (ucius) Cati (us) M (ARCI) f (Ilius), L (ucius) Taurius L (uci) f (Ilius) Ser (uius) AEFOL [us -. f.] that resemble an inscription (CIL, II, 3408 = Abascal-Ramallo, 34) the consecration to the Genius op (p) idi of columnam pompam ludosq (ue). Precisely this text has also served as the basis of some authors to propose the existence of a municipality, which the characters represented serious IIIIviri, prior to granting colonial status (Hübner, RE., III, 2, col. 1625; Ruggiero, II, 123; Garcia Bellido, 1959, 470 -- 472, and also more recently. Galsterer, 1971, 29-30, especially note 131). But the judiciary ruled out, the mere mention of oppidum is not sufficient grounds to infer the existence of a population with special status, given the ambiguity surrounding the term used in Latin authors.

The role of the city at events draft for the march of the Republic again increased from the second quarter of the first century BC, first in relation to the episode of Sertorius, and later as part of the civil war that pits Caesar and Pompey supporters.In both cases, translates his character as a stronghold. Pécis, that role, and the presence within the walls of characters closely linked to both causes, or even the generals themselves, sufficient arguments have sought to defend the legal advocacy both in times of Pompey and the Dictator, but not conclusive arguments. The family link with Pompeian, which has been repeatedly highlighted and clearly attested by written sources and inscriptions. It started probably during the stay in Hispania Pompey the Great as governor of Nearer Spain between the years 77-72 BCE during the war with Sertorius, and his brother C. Memmi, the quaestor, was in the city where he was surrounded by troops Sertoriana (Amela, 1997-1998, 143). Since family ties had further strengthened, thanks mainly to the presence of the sons of Pompey in the city. During the Civil War the city appears alternately on either side. In 47 BC Gnaeus Pompey took the city and he joined his brother Sextus, Atio Varo and Labienus (Dio, 43.30, 1) now appears to correspond to the emission of the city, minted in bronze by Albinus and Pollio Hellvius the possible portrait of Pompey the Great depicted on the front in the form of Concordia, tiara and trophy evening and military on the back (Llorens, 1994, 45-46) as a possible allusion to the victory of the Pompeian armies against the Cesarean Section ( Amela, 1997-98, 142-143), and finally, the city passed into the hands of Caesar in 45 BC, who, apparently, a visit with his son and Agrippa (Nicholas of Damascus, vita Aug., 10-11), however, according to Dio (45, 10), after the death of Franco, Sextus Pompey returned to Andalusia, conquered and defeated Asinius Cartagena Pollio, Caesar's legacy. The presence of the city in the complex vicissitudes that occurred during the first century BC and written sources which echo, also located on homonymy endorsement of several prominent figures of people with late Republic (Koch, 1993, 210). Indeed, some of these local characters are linked to the construction of the walls.

The most striking case seeks to us Gen. Cornelius Cinna, son of Lucius, assigned to the tribe Galeria, Iivir quinq., Who built at his expense cloth wall one hundred and two feet (30 meters) over another canvas, recalled in another inscription differently (Abascal-Ramallo , No. 4), whose exact dimensions were not able to specify the text to be fragmented. The family of Cinna in Rome plays an important role in political events taking place in the last century of the Republic. The most important members of the gens which can be reconstructed with some precision the cursus honorum was Lucius Cornelius Cinna, Sulla's brother, but popular champion of Mario, who served successively praetor industrial tribunals (90), legatus ( 90?, 89 and 88) and consul (86, 85 and 84) died in Ancona in the year 84 BC (Der Kleine Pauly, I, sv Cinna, No. 3). His son Lucius was married Pompeia, a daughter of Pompey, fought alongside Hispania Sertorius, he returned to Rome in 73 and was praetor in 44 BC (Der Kleine Pauly, I, sv Cinna, No. 4). His son and grandson of the first, is the only one to bear in praenomen of Gneus, besides the cognomen Magnus was the last of the Cinna nobiles and served as consul in the year 5 AD, on his death, Augustus appointed as the sole heir (Der Kleine Pauly, I, sv Cinna, No. 5). His identification with the judge noted in the registration of Cartagena is unlikely, and rather should be thinking about a client's 44 BC Roman magistrate, given its link with Hispania, and perhaps their likely presence in Cartagena, or the consul of AD 5

Is also in the cast of characters involved in the construction of the wall Marcus Cornelius Marcellus, augur and quinquennalis that dealt with a canvas wall 146 feet (43'20 m) from the door to the tower next Popilia and other 11 feet (3.25 meters) beyond this. The entry that recalls the event (Abascal - Ramallo, No 5) is used to determine the existence of towers at the grounds and a gate called Popilia. The latter's name has given rise to various speculations. She has been linked with the governor of Nearer Spain, M. Popilius Laenas (consul in 139 BC). However, the frequent presence in the city of nomen allowed to accept other proposals, including the possible relationship grows stronger with Iivir quinq. T. Popilius-or his family - which appears as mint master in emissions from the city prior to Augusto (Llorens, 1994, 49). Nor should we forget a T. Popilius Nf, remembered in the brackets of lead ingots originating probably in the area of Cartagena. Either option may be accepted, although the latter seems unlikely given the rare presence of mineral operators were the first urban transformation of the city.

The third judge to participate safely in the construction of the wall is [C?] Maecius Vetus, known from an inscription found in the rubble from the demolition of the town of Cartagena (Abascal Ramallo, No. 7), which held the positions of mayor and augur, and built a stretch of wall 60 feet (c. 17'7 m.). If it is not the same person, may be a descendant of IIvir quinq. C. Maecius that minted coins with L. Acilius to 32 BC, "according to Beltran (1949, 143)-and together with C. Appuleius Rufus, repeating in office in 27 BC, according to that author (1949, 145), however, is more cautious Llorens to establish the dating of this release and only ranks among the earlier releases Augustus, if While the model used for the galley of the second issue, the denarii of Mark Antony 32-31 BC provides a secure terminus post quem for the minting of Cartagena (Llorens, 1994, 52-54). Curchin (1990, No. 548) is located between 42 and 23 BC The inclusion of military character types - and eagle vexillium legionnaires hat - has been linked with the settlement of veterans after the victory of Actium (Garcia Bellido, 1962, 370). In line with this argument it should be noted the absence of the adjective Maecius between Republican family names attested in lead ingots. From the analyzed data it appears that a dating in the early thirties would be appropriate for enrollment if the character is identified with the mint master registration, while this chronology would come down to the last quarter century BC if the mayor is considered a child of Iivir Quiq. With the information available today either interpretation may be valid.

More hypothetical is related to the construction of the wall to M (arcus) Cal [purnius] Bibulu [s], who participated in the program of public works, judging by another inscription fragmented (Abascal and Ramallo, No 2) where we have lost the specific mention of the factory that the character is worried that was done faciun [dum coerauit i (dem) q (ue) p (robauit)?] -.

A diferencia de lo que sucede con los restantes individuos, en este caso no se conocen libertos ni otros miembros de la gens en la ciudad, lo que, unido al tamaño de la inscripción ya la calidad de la grafía, podría llevar a pensar en una Euergetes intervention of a Roman magistrate staff. In this sense, the coincidence is suggestive of the full name of the subject of registration withM. Bibulus Calpurnius, the mayor seat in 65 BC, praetor in 62, consul in 59 with Cesar and proconsul in Syria in the year 51 BC, on his return he was appointed commander of the fleet of Pompey in the Adriatic, with headquarters in Corcyra, during which suggests Koch (1993, 210) may have visited the city. Dyrrachium died in the year 48 BC (Broughton, 1984, 261; Der kleine Pauly, sv Calpurnius, No. 9). His son and took the name Portia de Lucius and we know he was with Brutus in Macedonia in 43 BC, fought in 42 BC at Philippi; switched sides of designatus Antonio and was praetor in 36 BC; also praefectus classis in 36 BC and governor of Syria between 34 and 32 BC date of death (Der kleine Pauly, sv Calpurnius, No. 8). After his disappearance are not known descendants who held prominent magistrates.

In analyzing the prosopographic list of entries related to the (re) construction of the wall draws attention, first, the absence of families associated with mining. This we might suggest some kind of civic regeneration linked to episodes of Sertorian; is evidentela relationship between the names of some prominent characters from the popular band, and therefore followers of Sertorius, with entries appearing in . We know that Sertorius, appointed governor of Nearer Spain in 83 BC - although officially removed soon - embarked on Carthago Nova, after the defeat of his lieutenant Salinator in the Pyrenees, bound for Mauritania in the year 81 BC, together with an army of 3000, as Plutarch tells us (Sert., 7, 4). Back in the Iberian Peninsula, and conflict within the subsequent years that pits the armies commanded by Gen. Senate. Pompey Sertoriana troops, the city remained outside the main military campaigns, so it is difficult to guess the position taken by its inhabitants. We know that in the year 76 BC the Roman general sent by sea to his quaestor C. Memmi to Carthago Nova, where this was besieged by an army Sertoriana. The limited information available suggests that the port city remained, like the neighboring Further, under the Senate's orbit, although the large population of Italic made sometime represent a destabilizing factor for the side Sertoriana, although, finally triumph economic interests against possible sympathy, not wanting these people inside their dominant position in the metal trade.

In any case, must have had greater impact on the city events years later, in the context of the Civil War, clashed with Pompey against Caesar and his sons. This should be a key moment for the subsequent history of the city and the proof is the home during this phase of the civic coinage marked by duumvir Five-year. The presence in the solar of the most prominent of the moment should be translated into the creation of supporters and detractors of either side, and the conflict generated by this step are repeated from one city to another side. Result of the conflict was undoubtedly the renewal of the cast of influential families. Has traditionally been considered the city as a supporter of Pompey side, and has come to interpret the establishment of the colony as an act of Cesar to neutralize this support. However, it appears that, as happened in many other parts of the Empire, this does not meant the disappearance of those families who at one time have supported the opposition camp. A case in point would be thePostumia gens that had not been included so far among the influential families of the city. I have already discussed the issue of Albinus mint master in honor of Pompey, dated to 47 BC Years later a [-] Postumius Albinus devotes a brecciated marble inscription Lucius Caesar set in the theater and its name is also inscribed on a red travertine pedestal designed to hold a statue, probably a member of the imperial family, placed in a prominent place in this building shows. And probably the same two issues coins mint master character as Five-year Iivir The first consists of aces and semis and features on the obverse laureate head of Augustus with AVGVSTVS legend DIVI F. while the reverse is occupied by the figure of a priest standing robed wearing a galerus with apex at the head, simpulum in the right hand and a branch on the left (Llorens, 1994, issue XIV, 67-68 ). The second issue of this judge, this time with

P. Turullio shows how such a temple tetrastyle front with the name Augustus on the lintel and on the reverse a chariot that is headed for a vane, with the legend VINK that first appears in civic emissions (Llorens, 1994, issue XVI), if we exclude the controversial issue of Pallas and statue pedestal whose position in the organization of the series is very problematic.

The second issue of Postumius is among the most interesting and controversial series dating imperial era and has fluctuated between times of Augustus and Tiberius, defended by those who have considered impossible the dedication of a temple to the emperor before his death, relying instead on the passage from Tacitus (Ann. 1, 78) on the establishment of the imperial cult. However, its presence in the theater, if it is the same person is very likely, at a date before the year 2 AD, date of death of Lucius Caesar, and the loyalty and excitement that manifested dedications to family Imperial, Augustan reinforce the possible timing of emissions that has been advocated by several authors.

However, the emergence of new families between the municipal elite does not entail the radical replacement of the old Italic negotiatores family in colonial phase, especially, continued to wield the highest urban magistracy (Domergue, 1985, 204), as show the coins. Rather, it is detected in the pairs of Five-year coexistence of descendants of these old families (Atellii, Aquinii, Fabricii, Laetilii, Turulii, varii) with hitherto unknown people on the Republican payroll.

Besides these inscriptions, except the last, to safety associated with construction work on the wall have been preserved elsewhere too fragmented to allow supplement information provided by them. Of special interest is an inscription preserved in several fragments (Abascal and Ramallo, No. 8) which mentioned the three main features of any fortification Augustan: turris, Portamar, Murume, made further fundamenteis, this is from foundations, which implies raising entirely new, at least this piece of wall - whose dimensions can not be precise - the door opened it and a tower (XI). In a recent interpretation of this activity have linked the names of L. Euergetes Fabius and [-] Vergilius, the latter belonging to a family well documented in the epigraphic record of the city.

Other fragments of inscription alluding to Murume (Abascal and Ramallo, No 9 and 10) and turres (Abascal and Ramallo, No. 11) and had to be part of the same series commemorative place, probably on a visible face of urban curb, probably located off the port area. The question is, specify the date of construction - and / or reconstruction - of this wall and if your journey followed the route of the wall barque / Republican. In this regard it is noted that the archaeological data is negligible and any comments thereon will not be a simple assumption as it can not be verified by other sources.

The wall Augustan

Despite all the events narrated and the numerous archaeological remains of the late second century BC and early AD, the next phase in the history of the walls of Cartagena triunviral corresponds to time and the first years of Augustus, and is closely related with colonial status is granted in Caesar's time or shortly thereafter. In this case, unlike what happens to the previous stage, the only documentation available is the inscriptions, which translates extensive restoration and increased in the area monumentalization doors, accompanied by the strengthening of the western sector, which should be partly outlined by beach areas. Carthago Nova is the city with a larger number of entries related to the construction of its wall and fortified. Only a few cities in Italy are an important group of inscriptions of this type, though smaller in number and older chronology. Are the Ferentium, Fondi and Telesia. It is interesting to note as families involved in this process negotiatores Italic unknown among republican period.

There is no doubt that the rebuilding of the wall is another consequence of the legal promotion of the city. The date on which this step occurs is discussed. The various proposals have been repeatedly published and are grounded on historical criteria, epigraphic and especially numismatic (Ramallo, 1989, 60-61). Iulia of the name which appears in the name of the city follows a foundation prior to 27 BC (Galsterer, 1971, 29-30). Repeat the nickname of the colonies and municipalities Iulia Caesarean / triunvirales of Tarraco (Col. Iulia Urbs Triumpalis T.) Acci (Col. Iulia Gemella Acci) Hispalis (Col. Iulia Romula) Urso (Col.

Genetica Iulia Urbanorum) Ucubi (Col. Claritas Iulia U.) Iptuci (Col. Iulia Iptuci Virtus), Iulia Traducta, Calagurris (mun. C. Iulia Nausicaa), Ebora (E. Liberalitas Iulia), Sexi (mun. S . firmum Iulium) Lacimurga (L. Iulia Constantia) Ugultunia (mun. Contribute Iulia U.), Seria (S. Fama Iulia) Nertobriga (mun. Concordia Iulia N.) while adding that of the colonies founded by Augusta the Princeps of Barcino (Col. Iulia Augusta Paterna Faventia B.), Dertosa (Col. Iulia Augusta D.) Ilici (Col. Iulia Augusta I.) and delete the adjective from its official name Caesar Augusta Emerita foundations Augusta, Caesaraugusta Asturica Augusta, Augusta Bracara, Lucus Augusti, Bilbilis Saetabis, Astigi (Colonia Augusta Firma A.), Tucci (C. Augusta Gemella T) (Vid. generally García y Bellido, 1959 and Pena, 1984) .

The granting of privileged status and the construction of the new wall. Evidence literary, epigraphic, numismatic and archaeological heritage.

The category of colony is recorded by Pliny (III 4, 19): Carthago Nova colony, deceased to promunturio quod urbem Mauretaniae Saturni Caesaream vocatur CLXXXXVII p. traiectus and Solino, (23.8): apud Carthaginem Hiber, mox quae facta est colony, Poeni condiderunt, Terraconem Scipios, parapraseando the words of Pliny (Tarraco) poenorum Carthago Scipionum sicut opus ^1.

Unlike what happens with other civic emissions Hispanic populations in Cartagena currency provides no reference to the construction of the walls. However epigraphic evidence strongly allude to this new work up, as specified in any case fundamenteis.

From the inscriptions preserved follows the intervention, at least on a perimeter of 308 steps (= 91 m) from the perimeter wall, being especially significant interventions by the doors, a feature which, in the walls of the Augustan age is provided special attention, given the highly symbolic, which together with the traditionally defensive walls acquire from this time (Gros, 1996, 39)..

At the level detected in the archaeological stratigraphy of the city, capping layers of neglect and dated by the pottery of black glaze around 50/30 BC and that precede the construction of the houses in Duke Street, and Plaza de Cuatro Santos San Ginés. The proposed date marks the beginning of a new process monumentalization of the city, after granting colonial status. In this process the first item on the urban renewal that involved what are the walls. A construction or restoration allude probably ten inscriptions, of which six specified in the part preserved, a feature of its design: muri, turres or portae and the remaining are related to this same work by the formal similarities although they do not explicit reference is preserved.

In all cases it is gray limestone slabs, stone quarried in the vicinity of the city (Ramallo and Arana, 1987, 90ss) and have variable dimensions, but in general, and where measures are available complete beyond 120 cm wide and 60 cm high, with the thickness of the plate slightly larger than 30 cm. The height of the letters is usually between 7 and 9 cm, although in some cases and line can reach nearly 11 cm. A common feature of all the details which certainly refer to the wall is the presence of triangular interpunciones up, which seems to be a test of contemporaneity. Almost all have been found in the environment of the Castillo de la Concepción - the castellum mentioned by Livy - but this source is not very significant because we know that for the construction of medieval work is hauled materials from different parts of the urban and even in their environment.

Although not provide chronological data in themselves, all seem to correspond to the period between the 40 and 30 BC, years immediately following the establishment of the colony at the hands of Caesar. Thus one might think in a colonial setting to the city as punishment for supporting the Pompeian side (Ramallo, 1989, 61), a reproduction of the process carried out in Corduba Urso after the battle of Munda (Carrillo et alii , 1999, 45). Correspond to this time the minting of the coin with the image on the back of statue - Venus? -pedestal, referring to the divine ancestor of thegens, and the inclusion of the official degree C (oland) U (rbs) I (ulia) N (ova) and the head of Minerva

or Rome in the front (Llorens, 1994, 49-50) as well as the inclusion of new citizens in the tribe Sergia. This process would be completed years later incorporation of veterans of the Cantabrian Wars by Augustus, remembered episode in mint master emissions (Garcia Bellido, 1959, 471); these new citizens would be included in the tribe gallery characteristic of foundations Augusta, and were able to occupy the lands which the Roman state had around Carthago Nova (Cic. De leg. agrarian, I, 5, II, 51: Agri publici apud Karthaginem novam duorum Scipionum possessio eximia virtute). Consequently, according to this scheme, Caesar would have implanted in 45 BC a Latin colony, which subsequently have been converted into a colony by Augustus Romanorum civium (Gonzalez, 1989, 141). However, the possible legal promotion of the city in time Cesarean sections are several objections, among which has been emphasized more emphasis has been the existence of civic coinage with judges (Iiviri quinq.) Prior to the alleged generally stay in the city and the consequent promotion, implying a privileged legal status at least from time of Pompey (Beltran ---------------). On the other hand, a problem that has not yet found a satisfactory answer so far is the lack of full titration of the city in the mint master broadcasts until the end of the reign of Augustus or early Tiberian era. The relocation of the foundational issue of Minerva statue and head / Rome - very abundant on the other hand, at a more advanced series (Abascal, 2002, and forced ------) seems unlikely given the poor estilísitica typological relationship between this issue and the full imperial times. Furthermore, the archaeological context in which these currencies are not providing, for the moment, definitive information.

The documentation provides no epigraphic information on when that occurs the transformation of the legal status of the population. The earliest inscriptions in the mention of the colony are the dedications of patronage that citizens - colonei - erected in honor of P. Silius Nerva, ordinary consul in the year 20 BC AD and Legatus Augusti pro praetor in Nearer Spain in the years 19-16 BC JC (Alföldy, 1969, 7). For these same years, especially between 19/18 and 12 a. C., M. Agrippa is named Patron dela city, occupying the highest office also urban IIvir five years. Almost contemporaneously with the previous two were also appointed trustees of the colony, Iuba II, King of Mauritania, most probably because of its relationship with the emperor himself as the monarch of the African country, whose capital, Caesarea, located to 197,000 walking distance (s.Mela, III, 19) should be linked directly to the Hispanic capital and finally, Tim. Claudius Nero, between 19 and 12 a.de C., therefore, before being adopted by Augustus and destined to succeed.

With the radical and monumental urban transformation started in the thirties before the change of era, the city break with its past of city Poenorum Hasdrubal condidit quam dux, joining the cast of big cities endowed with a complex theatrical device the service of power. The importance that the city will have as of this moment is explicitly reflected in its nameColonia Iulia VRBS Karthago Nova Urbs with the title, a distinction shared with Tarraco in Hispania, cities that had to fight for the hegemony of Nearer Spain whose capital would be finally established in Tarraco.

Meaning of the walls in the process of urban renewal during the Augustan era

The construction and maintenance of the city walls is a public enterprise and collective largest new towns cesarianoaugusteas and as such is reflected in the municipal legislation, of which the known laws of Urso is one of the most paradigmatic. "Any defense that the Ten of this colony decreed where most of the Ten were present when this matter the case, be allowed to do it, but each year not requiring every man and puberty until five days unpaid work, and three for each pair of beasts carry. The deputies who at the time they are, conducted pursuant to the decree of Ten fortification, and might be fortified as has been decreed by the Council of Ten, it takes work against their will, to less than fourteen years nor more than sixty to . Whoever in this colony or within its boundaries, is domiciled

or his estate if only settler colony, as if he is obliged to contribute to such settler defense. [The Lex Ursonensis: study and critical edition, Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Madrid, 1995, (Salamanca, 1998)].

The intensification of archaeological work in recent years allow to outline the role that the urban renewal process, which started in time of Caesar is intensified during the rule of Augustus, had defensive curbs in the new image of the city (Pfanner, 1990, 85ss). The construction of new walls or reconstruction / restoration of old curbs find fresh impetus at this time, apart from unnecessary defensive needs. In this context, given the absence of archaeological evidence from the walls of Carthago Nova belonging to this phase, the findings from other Hispanic populations allow better characterization of the type of Hispania fortification built in the late first century BC, paradoxically after complete pacification of the mainland after two centuries of conflicts and their role in the framework of urban symbols.

Legal Advocacy in the Augustan age Iberian kernel installed in the centuries before Tolmo Minateda - probably the municipium of Ilunum - next to the road that led from Carthago Nova into the plateau (Silliere, 1982), involves the construction as a priority task of a curb which mostly cancels a wall above, probably from the Bronze Age. The new work is built by stone blocks placed padded seated directly on the rock of the mountain previously adjusted (Abad, 1998, 78). On the front and engraved on some of the blocks included within the filling of a fortification later, a monumental inscription reminds the public benefactors of such an event, while it serves to exalt the emperor Augustus and his nephew L. Domitius Ahenobarbus (Abad, 1996). The placement of these blocks with inscription recalling Euergetes activities of notables of the city had to be a widespread custom and suggest multiple blocks with the heading of Cartagena and the numerous epigraphic references to the construction of walls, doors and gates found in different cities Hispania and Italy which, originally, had to be on the walls to which they allude.Belo also walls, with a distance of c. 1,400 m., in Augustan stage, preserved mainly in eastern and northeastern fronts were built with large stones attached to bone and joint surfaces carefully flattened (Silliere, 1995, 74). This Curb known remodeling and reconstruction of much of its course by mid-century AD used as the predominant construction technique caementicium opus in external walls compressed central filling.

Probably under the comprehensive renovation process derived from monumental legal promotion of the city from a municipium stipendiary must contemplate the construction of the wall Segobriga, dated tardoaugustea time (Almagro, 1990, 210). Stresses in this case the lack of towers in a continuous cloth between 2.5 - 3 m. width up with a double facing of well decayed and irregular blocks flanking a landfill and that at certain points along its length, especially coinciding with the access, is of opus work reempladado by caementicium ashlar rusticated siding (Almagro and Lorri, 1989).

Is still the most emblematic case of Emerita Augusta, where the Roman wall conforms to existing topography and reality, as probably occurred in Cartagena, took advantage of terrain features to enhance their designs (Feijoo, 2000, 571). In this case, the fence, located directly on the virgin rock and a width varying from 2'30 to 3 m. and a perimeter of almost four miles, is constructed with a double facing of rigging irregular and filled through caementicium opus, flanked by semicircular towers and a moat at the walls where the material would be reused for filling within the work. Several gates or access under a separation of 82 m communicating through the wall to the outside (Alba, 1997, 290). In the fourth century AD at least part of the fort was strengthened by the addition of a facing quadratum opus made with blocks of granite (AA.VV., 1994, 200).

Bilbilis also where the curb, probably built early in the first quarter or first century BC, is an irregular layout conditioned and adapted to the irregular topography of the land (Martin Bueno, 1971, 207), encouraged by rigging irregular quadrangular towers local stone, like the panels straight, one of whose foundations are found a set of human remains and animal remains associated with ceramic materials that have been interpreted as part of a ritual of Indian origin and nature is not yet the explanation entirely clear (Martin Bueno, 1975, 706).

The enclosure urbanized Augustan era understood everything inside the walled perimeter, although they will probably never reach complete with houses or public buildings, as seem to attest to the remains found in the Plaza de Isidoro Valverde and Calle de San Diego, spaces next to the cloth of the old eastern wall where the identified Punic urban fabric and related infrastructure, but not the houses that lined them theoretically. Something similar has been observed also in Pompeii, and the Hispanic Merida, and had to be a widespread phenomenon in other cities of the empire.

With the western route of the wall, in the area nearest to the port and beach areas might have to put on the discovery in 1903 of several carved stones forming a wall, one of which showed in relief phallic representation of characteristics similar to those that are often embedded in urban fortifications in the areas near the entrances (Beltran, 1952, No. 10). The Roman wall of Ampurias, among other examples, provides a good reference for the Cartagena ashlar