Francoist Spain: From Post-War Isolation to Cold War Reintegration (1945-1959)
International Isolation of Francoist Spain
After World War II, Spain was sidelined internationally. The victorious countries regarded the Franco regime as a vestige of the fascism they had fought against. The major powers—the U.S., USSR, and Britain—agreed that Spain would not be admitted into the newly established United Nations (UN) due to its past links with Nazi Germany and Mussolini's Italy.
In 1946, the UN General Assembly adopted several resolutions condemning the Franco government, considering it a threat to world peace and recommending that UN member countries break diplomatic relations with Spain. The French Pyrenees border was completely closed until 1948. Spain was excluded from the Marshall Plan, and only five ambassadors remained in the country. All these measures were intended to pressure Franco and force him to relinquish power.
However, the isolation was incomplete, as it did not amount to a virtual trade blockade against the Franco regime. By 1950, the new international environment seemed more favorable to Spain. The onset of the Cold War contributed to softening the rejection from Western democracies, and the UN eventually recognized the Franco government. Meanwhile, the U.S. began to change its behavior, positively valuing the regime's unequivocal anti-communist stance and initiating the first diplomatic and financial overtures to Spain.
International Reintegration and Agreements with the United States
The Franco government, whose foreign minister was then the Catholic Alberto Martín Artajo, considered diplomatic recognition and the normalization of its international position essential to the regime's survival. To achieve this, a rapprochement with the United States, the great hegemonic power of the Western democratic capitalist world, seemed indispensable.
This approach was only possible thanks to the Soviet-American tension, which increased the geostrategic importance of the Iberian Peninsula. The U.S., concerned about communist expansion in Asia and Europe, could use Spanish territory as a starting point for a hypothetical counter-offensive. Finally, in 1953, with the signing of bilateral military and economic agreements with the U.S., Francoist Spain managed to break its isolation and obtained the backing of the government headed by General Eisenhower. These agreements favored the consolidation of the regime and helped to improve its image worldwide.
According to the stipulations of the treaties, the U.S. was granted the opening of four air and naval bases on the peninsula (Torrejón, Zaragoza, Rota, and Morón). In exchange, Spain received supplies of military equipment and economic aid, compensating for the risks it assumed. Financial aid totaled 1,500 million dollars, with 60 percent in repayable loans and 40 percent in donations. In addition, military equipment, often outdated and of low quality, amounted to approximately 550 million dollars. Overall, U.S. economic aid was relatively low, less than that received by the governments of Turkey and Greece during the same period.
However, the Hispano-American agreements included several important secret riders that threatened national security and undercut Spanish sovereignty. The U.S. government was authorized to introduce nuclear weapons into the bases and freely use these military installations to attack the Soviet enemy from there. Spain was exposed to potential attacks, as the bases were close to large cities, but received no guarantee of immediate assistance from the U.S. Army in case of aggression by a third power against the mainland.
Shortly thereafter, Spain gradually rejoined the international community, being admitted to the UN in 1955 and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) three years later. However, the Franco regime was unable to access politically motivated international agencies such as the European Economic Community (EEC) and NATO. All attempts to join failed due to the absence of democracy.
Moreover, Spain was forced to recognize Moroccan independence in 1956 after several violent strikes and anti-Spanish nationalist demonstrations in major cities of the protectorate. However, not all African territorial possessions underwent decolonization at this time. Spain retained control of Sidi Ifni (a small enclave of 1,500 km², finally ceded to Morocco in 1969 after several armed clashes), Equatorial Guinea (which gained independence in a disorderly manner in 1968), and the Western Sahara (from which the Spanish army withdrew in 1976).